Friday, November 10, 2006

Stanley Fish, Doing What Comes Naturally

In the current issue of the Chronicle of Higher Education, Stanley Fish
reviews Wendy Brown’s new book, Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire (Princeton University Press).

Liberal tolerance—or, in Wendy Brown’s useful phrase, the “regime of tolerance"—has become an instrument of power. As Fish puts it:

“Live and let live won’t work, we are often told, if the other guy is determined to kill you because he believes that his religion or his ethnic history commands him to. Liberal citizens will be tolerant of any group so long as its members subordinate their cultural commitments to the universal dictates of reason, as defined by liberalism. But once a group has rejected tolerance as a guiding principle…it becomes a candidate for intolerance that will be performed in the name of tolerance.”

Clearly this is one of the moral justifications for going into Iraq. It’s also a problem that citizens of Denmark are struggling with after the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy:

“Western commentators are incapable of understanding (except as misguided, crazy, or evil) the motivations of those who passionately protested the Danish cartoons, and you could nevertheless conclude that their incapacity is all to their credit.”

In other words, Fish sees this as an impasse, and he’s here to dope it out for us. Talk to me, Stan:

“[Brown’s] account of how liberal tolerance works is nuanced and bracing. The fact that her analysis does not (and in my view could not) deliver a program for improving the world (or even a set of reasons for rejecting liberal tolerance) makes it no different from any other effort (always doomed) to derive a politics from the discourses of postmodernism, anti-essentialism, and anti-foundationalism.”

Will there be a tomorrow?

And can't my bleeding liberal heart do anything?

“The same difficulties attend Brown's call for a ‘project of connections across differences.’ On what bridge? Built by whom? It’s a little late to be saying (with E.M. Forster), ‘Only connect.’”

What about the transformation of liberalism itself?

“In short, a softer liberalism, a liberalism alert to difference in a way that does not privatize or naturalize it, wouldn’t be liberalism. It would be something, but what that something is Brown does not tell us.”

Translation: we simply cannot think past this impasse from our current situation. We lack political imagination, or the means to articulate a political alternative. But who is this “we”? Fish tips his hand when he begins the review with this anecdote:

“Some years ago, just after Salman Rushdie was made the object of a fatwa, I found myself at an academic conference listening to a panel address the issues raised by his situation. A member of the audience rose and, without a trace of irony, gave voice to this question/accusation: “What’s the matter with those Iranians? Haven’t they ever heard of the First Amendment?” The empirical answer to the question was maybe yes, maybe no. Some individual Iranians and many members of the Iranian legal community would have heard of (and studied) the First Amendment, but even those who had read it could not have been counted on to affirm the assumptions informing it”—for example, the “assumption that contents (ideas, ideologies, opinions, hypotheses) are equal before the law, and none is to be prohibited unless it is put into (dangerous) action.”

And then it hits you: this is not the problem of a cultural dialogue, but of a cultural monologue. Another white intellectual presuming to speak for everyone. Fish answers the audience member’s question without a trace of irony himself, by saying, “Some individual Iranians would have heard of the First Amendment.” Really? Tell me more about these fascinating "Iranians." Were there any of them in the audience who might have been able to field this question better than Fish? Who the hell knows. The subaltern couldn’t even get a word in edgewise over this mighty torrent.

Fish’s arguments are sound, as they stand. He has ample rhetorical gifts. He floats like a butterfly and stings like a bee. But when you look outside the particulars of the argument—switch your perspective from the content of the argument to the “conditions of its possibility,” as the Marxists say—you wonder why the Chronicle would have chosen Fish to write such a long, solo article on this topic, without even an invitation to dialogue. Maybe, just maybe there are intellectuals who have a foot in both worlds—Western and non-Western—who might have something to say about this dilemma of liberal tolerance. You know, help find a way forward. Imagine that!

2 Comments:

At Friday, November 17, 2006, Blogger PM said...

I think what's missing on both sides of this debate (meaning the "Modernists" and the uh, "Mystics" perhaps?) Is an understanding of viewpoint. The Modernists, who scratch their heads as to why anyone would get their panties in such a twist over mocking the Prophet fail to grasp that for his followers, the Prophet, and the "wisdom" he shared has every bit as much power in being as the here-and-now in all its manifestations (physical, intellectual and in some cases, spiritual) does for the Modernists.

For the Mystics, this set of conditions we call "life" or "reality" or "consciousness" is all temporal and its only true value lies in how we utilize it to prepare for the realized existence one presumably experiences following a righteous death or martyrdom. And I think it behooves us to remember that this belief is not limited to only the more extremist sects of Islam. For the Modernists, life itself is the only sphere we can influence directly and so, that is what we focus on to good or ill.

The Mystics reject Modernism because what they see are the most extremist manifestations of it as the Modernists reject the most extremist manifestations of Mysticism. Modernists reject the burkha as being demeaning to women, Mystics reject using women's bodies to sell beer as being demeaning to women. (Ever notice how guys still monopolize the Debate Team?)

Modernists argue that their way of ordering the world provides within it a space for all forms of expression, including religious expression. Mystics argue that the true road to enlightenment lies in creating a society in which all is subject to religious principles grounded in the Faith that true joy and fufillment lies in submitting to God's perfect law rather than Man's imperfect one. We will come to see what we took to be freedoms as a burden.

Both the Modernists and the Mystics have a long climb ahead of them; there's no elevator in the Tower of Babel, huh?

I'm tired now, anybody got any chips?

 
At Friday, November 17, 2006, Blogger Mike said...

First, thank you for finally clearing a little space in your busy schedule for reading my blog.

Seriously, though, thanks for reading and for your thoughtful comments. Your ideas on religion seem applicable to Marxism as well, in that both of these discourses provide powerful ways to describe and critique modernity--our self-absorption, our consumerism, the way we reduce people to things and put price tags on them, our hubris, the way that our science relies on "instrumental reason" divorced from moral considerations (think: Atom bomb), the "idolatry" that puts power on a pedestal for worship, the bureaucratic standardization and homogenization of human life, etc, etc. It's not a coincidence that Marx relied on theological concepts and utopian/religious impulses in his philosophy. But attempts to establish utopian societies based on religious or Marxist ideals haven't worked out too well, and have tended toward totalitarianism. I'm not sure where this leaves us.

 

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